THE SWERVE
highlights
PREFACE
LucretiusÕ words therefore rang out with a terrible
clarity: ÒDeath is nothing to us.Ó To spend your existence in the grip of
anxiety about death, he wrote, is mere folly. It is a sure way to let your life
slip from you incomplete and unenjoyed. loc: 174
The
stuff of the universe, Lucretius proposed, is an infinite number of atoms
moving randomly through space, like dust motes in a sunbeam, colliding, hooking
together, forming complex structures, breaking apart again, in a ceaseless
process of creation and destruction. There is no escape from this process.
loc:
184
There
is no master plan, no divine architect, no intelligent
design. loc: 189
What
human beings can and should do, he wrote, is to conquer their fears, accept the
fact that they themselves and all the things they encounter are transitory, and
embrace the beauty and the pleasure of the world. loc: 199
the scientific vision of
the world—a vision of atoms
randomly moving in an infinite universe—was
in its origins imbued with a poetÕs
sense of wonder. Wonder did not depend on gods and demons and the dream of an
afterlife; in Lucretius it welled up out of a recognition that we are made of
the same matter as the stars and the oceans and all things else. And this
recognition was the basis for the way he thought we should live our lives.
loc:
224
CHAPTER
ONE THE BOOK HUNTER loc: 306
The
pope who had called himself John XXIII no longer existed; the man who had borne
that title was now once again what he had been christened, Baldassare Cossa.
And Poggio was now a masterless man. loc: 401
CHAPTER
TWO THE MOMENT OF DISCOVERY loc: 436
the poet and scholar
Petrarch brought glory on himself in the 1330s by piecing together LivyÕs monumental History of Rome and finding
forgotten masterpieces by Cicero, Propertius, and others.
loc:
439
The
prime hunting grounds for Poggio and his fellow book hunters were the libraries
of old monasteries, and for good reason: for long centuries monasteries had
been virtually the only institutions that cared about books.
loc:
453
all monks were expected to
know how to read. loc: 460
Books
that were opened again and again eventually fell apart, however carefully they
were handled. Therefore, almost inadvertently, monastic rules necessitated that
monks repeatedly purchase or acquire books. loc: 519
In
the course of the vicious Gothic Wars of the mid-sixth century and their still
more miserable aftermath, the last commercial workshops of book production
folded, and the vestiges of the book market fell apart. Therefore, again almost
inadvertently, monastic rules necessitated that monks carefully preserve and
copy those books that they already possessed. loc: 520
monastic rules necessitated
that monks learn the laborious art of making parchment and salvaging existing
parchment. loc: 524
Poggio
also possessed considerable personal charm. He was a marvelous raconteur, a sly
gossip, and an indefatigable teller of jokes,
loc: 564
He
was a superbly well-trained scribe, with exceptionally
fine handwriting, great powers of concentration, and a high degree of accuracy.
loc:
577
What
this meant was that he could not only inveigle his way into the monastery and
nose out the precious manuscripts of lost works, but also that he could borrow
them, copy them quickly, and send the results back to humanists waiting eagerly
at home in Italy. loc: 587
To
assemble a modest number of books, in the long centuries before the invention
of the printing press forever changed the equation, meant the eventual
establishment of what were called scriptoria, workshops where monks would be
trained to sit for long hours making copies. loc: 678
insofar as the copying was a
form of discipline—an exercise in humility
and a willing embrace of pain—distaste or simple
incomprehension might be preferable to engagement. Curiosity was to be avoided
at all costs. loc: 716
recovering reasonably accurate
traces of the ancient past depended heavily on this subordination. An engaged
reader, Poggio knew, was prone to alter his text in order to get it to make
sense, loc:
721
Between
the sixth century and the middle of the eighth century, Greek and Latin
classics virtually ceased to be copied at all. loc: 734
the discovery of a work
still more ancient than any of the others that he had found. One of the
manuscripts consisted of a long text written around 50 BCE by a poet and
philosopher named Titus Lucretius Carus. The textÕs
title, De rerum natura—On the Nature of Things—was
loc: 841
CHAPTER
THREE IN SEARCH OF LUCRETIUS loc: 853
Lucretius
had accomplished a near-perfect integration of intellectual distinction and
aesthetic mastery. loc: 865
But
even as RomeÕs legions steadily
established military dominance over Greece, Greek culture just as steadily
began to colonize the minds of the conquerors. loc: 985
our sense that a library
is a public good and our idea of what such a place should look like derive
precisely from a model created in Rome several thousand years ago.
loc:
1034
By
the first century ce there were distinctive signs of
the emergence of what we think of as a Òliterary
culture.Ó
loc:
1041
they were an elite, living
at the center of the worldÕs greatest power, and
one of their most cherished privileges was the cultivation of the life of the
mind. Romans of the late republic were remarkably tenacious about this
privilege, which they clung to in circumstances that would have made others
quail and run for cover. For them it seemed to function as a sign that their
world was still intact or at least that they were secure in their innermost
lives. loc: 1107
Humans,
Aristotle wrote, are social animals: to realize oneÕs nature as a human
then was to participate in a group activity. And the activity of choice, for
cultivated Romans, as for the Greeks before them, was discourse.
loc:
1137
ÒJust when the gods had
ceased to be, and the Christ had not yet come, there was a unique moment in
history, between Cicero and Marcus Aurelius, when man stood alone.Ó loc: 1169
in LucretiusÕ view, Epicurus, who had died more than two
centuries earlier, was nothing less than the saviour. When Òhuman life lay groveling ignominiously in the
dust, crushed beneath the grinding weight of superstition,Ó Lucretius wrote, one supremely brave man
arose and became Òthe first who ventured
to confront it boldly.Ó
loc:
1190
DemocritusÕ conception of an infinite number of atoms
that have no qualities except size, figure, and weight—particles then that are
not miniature versions of what we see but rather form what we see by combining
with each other in an inexhaustible variety of shapes—was
loc: 1214
In
constant motion, atoms collide with each other, Epicurus reasoned, and in
certain circumstances, they form larger and larger bodies.
loc:
1222
Heavenly
bodies are not divine beings who shape our destiny for good or ill, nor do they
move through the void under the guidance of gods: they are simply part of the
natural order, enormous structures of atoms subject to the same principles of
creation and destruction that govern everything that exists.
loc:
1225
it is nonetheless
possible to understand something of its basic constitutive elements and its
universal laws. Indeed, such understanding is one of human lifeÕs deepest pleasures.
loc:
1227
This
pleasure is perhaps the key to comprehending the powerful impact of EpicurusÕ philosophy;
loc: 1228
you needed only to
comprehend that there is a hidden natural explanation for everything that alarms
or eludes you. That explanation will inevitably lead you back to atoms. If you
can hold on to and repeat to yourself the simplest fact of existence—atoms and void and
nothing else, atoms and void and nothing else, atoms and void and nothing else—your life will change.
loc:
1235
you will be freed from a
terrible affliction—what Hamlet, many
centuries later, described as Òthe dread of something
after death,/The undiscovered country from whose bourn/No traveller returns.Ó loc: 1239
What
the Greek philosopher offered was not help in dying but help in living.
Liberated from superstition, Epicurus taught, you would be free to pursue
pleasure. loc: 1255
A
philosophical claim that lifeÕs ultimate goal is
pleasure—even if that pleasure
was defined in the most restrained and responsible terms—was a scandal, both for
pagans and for their adversaries, the Jews and later the Christians.
loc:
1289
a half-hidden fear that
to maximize pleasure and to avoid pain were in fact appealing goals and might
plausibly serve as the rational organizing principles of human life. If they
succeeded in doing so, a whole set of time-honored alternative principles—sacrifice, ambition,
social status, discipline, piety—would
be challenged, along with the institutions that such principles served.
loc:
1296
CHAPTER
FOUR THE TEETH OF TIME loc: 1316
After
the downfall of the Serapeon, a pagan poet, Palladas, expressed his mood of
devastation: Is it not true that we are dead, and living only in appearance, We
Hellenes, fallen on disaster, Likening life to a dream, since we remain alive
while Our way of life is dead and gone? loc: 1468
Platonism
contributed to Christianity its model of the soul; Aristotelianism its Prime
Mover; Stoicism its model of Providence. loc: 1557
The
knights of renunciation, as in a popular romance, were almost always glamorous
figures who cast off the greatest symbol of their
status—their intimate access
to an elite education—for the sake of the
religion they loved. loc: 1561
Only
in the sixth century did Christians venture to celebrate as heroes those who
dispensed entirely with education, loc:
1564
Epicurus
did not deny the existence of gods. Rather, he thought that if the concept of
divinity made any sense at all, the gods could not possibly be concerned with
anything but their own pleasures. Neither creators of the universe nor its
destroyers, utterly indifferent to the doings of any beings other than
themselves, they were deaf to our prayers or our rituals.
loc:
1583
If
you grant Epicurus his claim that the soul is mortal, wrote Tertullian, the
whole fabric of Christian morality unravels. For Epicurus, human suffering is
always finite: loc:
1633
ÒEpicurus utterly
destroys religion,Ó loc:
1636
What
had to be done was to refashion the account of the founder Epicurus so that he
appeared no longer as an apostle of moderation in the service of reasonable
pleasure but instead as a Falstaffian figure of riotous excess.
loc:
1640
In
one of the great cultural transformations in the history of the West, the
pursuit of pain triumphed over the pursuit of pleasure.
loc:
1669
Early
Christians, brooding on the sufferings of the Saviour, the sinfulness of
mankind, and the anger of a just Father, found the attempt to cultivate pleasure
manifestly absurd and dangerous. loc: 1686
humans were by nature
corrupt. Inheritors of the sin of Adam and Eve, they richly deserved every
miserable catastrophe that befell them; they needed to be punished; they had
coming to them an endless diet of pain. loc: 1695
The
most ardent early believers in this doctrine, those fired by an explosive mix
of fear, hope, and fierce enthusiasm, were determined to make the pain to which
all humankind was condemned their active choice. loc: 1698
the atonement that would,
if they were successful, enable them to recover in the afterlife the happiness
that Adam and Eve had lost. loc: 1704
By
the year 600 there were over three hundred monasteries and convents in Italy
and Gaul. loc: 1705
the experience of pain was
not only punishment; it was a form of pious emulation.
loc:
1719
What
was once in effect a radical counterculture insisted with remarkable success
that it represented the core values of all believing Christians.
loc:
1751
Pleasure
seeking had come to seem philosophically indefensible.
loc:
1757
CHAPTER
FIVE BIRTH AND REBIRTH loc: 1765
a shared mania, one
whose origin can be traced back to Petrarch, who, a generation before PoggioÕs birth, had made the recovery of the cultural
heritage of classical Rome a collective obsession.
loc:
1863
Petrarch
began to search for ancient texts that had been forgotten. He was not the first
to do so, but he managed to invest this search with a new, almost erotic
urgency and pleasure, superior to all other treasure seeking:
loc: 1901
The
early humanists felt themselves, with mingled pride, wonder, and fear, to be
involved in an epochal movement. loc: 1918
Once
one recognized what was gone, once one had mourned the tragic loss, it was
possible to prepare the way for what lay on the other side of death: nothing
less than resurrection. loc: 1928
To
prove its worth, Petrarch and Salutati both insisted, the whole enterprise of
humanism had not merely to generate passable imitations of the classical style
but to serve a larger ethical end. And to do so it needed to live fully and
vibrantly in the present. loc: 1981
the decisive factor was
the study of ancient Greek, made possible when in 1397 Salutati invited the
preeminent Byzantine scholar Manuel Chrysolaras to reside in Florence and give
classes in a language that had been almost completely forgotten.
loc:
2007
Niccoli
had brought back into the world the idea of the public library.
loc:
2089
the friends bonded in
their shared insistence on the superiority of all things ancient—setting aside matters
of faith—over anything that
followed. The astonishing literary ambition and creativity characteristic of
Petrarch had largely shriveled up in them, as had the patriotic zeal and the
passion for liberty that had fueled SalutatiÕs
humanism. What took their place was something far less
expansive in spirit, something harder and more punishing: a cult of imitation
and a craving for exactitude. loc: 2092
they dreamed only of calling
back to life something old. This dream, narrow and arid in spirit, was doomed
to failure; but, all the same, it had surprising results.
loc:
2097
CHAPTER
SIX IN THE LIE FACTORY loc: 2142
Poggio
had established himself at the very center of what he called Òthe Bugiale,Ó
the Lie Factory. There, in a room at the court, the papal secretaries would
regularly gather to exchange stories and jokes. loc: 2253
The
problem was not only a matter of this or that difficult personality; it was
structural. The papal court had, to serve its own needs, brought into being a
class of rootless, ironic intellectuals. These intellectuals were committed to
pleasing their masters, on whose patronage they utterly depended, but they were
cynical and unhappy. loc: 2325
It
indicates that the Church, though it could and did respond violently to what it
perceived as doctrinal or institutional challenges, was willing to tolerate
extremely sharp critiques from within, loc:
2370
The
greatest and most consequential work in this critical spirit was written by
PoggioÕs bitter enemy, Lorenzo
Valla.
Valla famously used his brilliant command of Latin philology to demonstrate
that the ÒDonation of
Constantine,Ó the document
in which the Roman emperor purportedly gave possession of the Western Empire to
the pope, was a forgery. loc: 2373
What
saved him was an obsessive craving, his book mania.
loc:
2413
CHAPTER
SEVEN A PIT TO CATCH FOXES loc: 2453
Baldassare
Cossa—Pope John XXIII, as he
called himself—was a master of intrigue.
Poggio would have been involved in controlling access to the pontiff, digesting
and passing along key information, taking notes, articulating policies that had
only been roughly sketched, crafting the Latin missives sent to princes and
potentates. loc: 2459
the question with which
Poggio and others in Rome grappled was how they could retain even the shreds of
a moral sensibility while living and working in the court of this particular
pope. loc: 2495
it was obvious that he
did not have a trace of a spiritual vocation. loc: 2524
perhaps it seemed to them that
Cossa, only forty years old, had the skills needed to end the disgraceful
schism in the Church and to defeat the rival claims by the doggedly inflexible
Spaniard Pedro de Luna, who styled himself Pope Benedict XIII, and the
intransigent Venetian Angelo Correr, who styled himself Pope Gregory XII.
loc:
2528
the ÒWay of Council,Ó
called for the convening of the bishops of all of the Catholic world who would,
by formal vote in an ecumenical assembly, have the final authority to resolve
the dispute. loc: 2543
The
pope was a thug, but he was a learned thug, who appreciated the company of fine
scholars and expected court business to be conducted in high humanist style.
loc:
2573
Ending
the schism was the councilÕs most important item
of business, but it was not the only one. Two other major issues were the
reform of ecclesiastical government—that
was also not happy news for John XXIII—and
the repression of heresy. loc: 2614
Forty-four-year-old
Jan Hus, a Czech priest and religious reformer, had been for some years a thorn
in the side of the Church. loc: 2619
He
urged his congregants not to put their faith in the Virgin, the cult of the
saints, the Church, or the pope, but in God alone.
loc:
2622
He
argued that the state had the right and the duty to supervise the Church.
Laymen could and should judge their spiritual leaders.
loc:
2625
The
safe-conduct, bearing the large imperial seal, promised Òprotection and safeguardÓ and requested that Hus be allowed Òfreely and securelyÓ to Òpass,
sojourn, stop, and return.Ó
loc:
2644
Notwithstanding
the assurances that the pope, the council, and the emperor had given him, Hus
was almost immediately vilified and denied the opportunity to speak in public.
On November 28, barely three weeks after he arrived, he was arrested on order
of the cardinals and taken to the prison of a Dominican monastery on the banks
of the Rhine. loc: 2654
the emperor chose not to
intervene. loc: 2659
under great pressure from
the emperor, CossaÕs principal protector
gave over his unwelcome guest, and the world had the edifying spectacle of a
pope put under guard as a criminal. loc: 2692
On
May 29, 1415, he was formally deposed. loc: 2699
when, some months later,
HusÕs associate, Jerome of
Prague, was also put on trial for heresy, Poggio was not able to remain silent.
loc:
2719
the rashness might have
been provoked by the trauma of what he had just seen: his letter is dated May
30, 1416, which is the day that Jerome was executed. Poggio was writing in the
wake of witnessing something particularly horrible,
loc: 2733
Poggio
believed he glimpsed for a moment the Epicurean pursuit of pleasure as the
highest good. loc: 2776
When
he wrote these words, the world around Poggio was falling to pieces, but his
response to chaos and fear was always to redouble his immersion in books.
loc:
2788
monastery of St. Gall, about
twenty miles from Constance. loc: 2793
the tension between the
bureaucrat who worked for the sinister John XXIII and the humanist who longed
for the freer, clearer air, as he imagined it, of the ancient Roman Republic.
loc:
2804
Back
in Constance his money worries deepened, as he found himself dangling, without
work and without clear prospects. loc: 2829
He
had no idea what he would find; he only knew that if it was something ancient
and written in elegant Latin, then it was worth rescuing at all costs.
loc:
2837
for him these were not
manuscripts but human voices. loc: 2840
CHAPTER
EIGHT THE WAY THINGS ARE loc: 2855
the random swerve of
elementary particles is responsible for the existence of free will.
loc:
2968
though an outside force may
strike against a man, that man may deliberately hold himself back
loc: 2975
Nature
ceaselessly experiments. loc: 2977
All
living beings, from plants and insects to the higher mammals and man, have
evolved through a long, complex process of trial and error.
loc:
2978
Creatures
whose combination of organs enables them to adapt and to reproduce will succeed
in establishing themselves, until changing circumstances make it impossible for
them any longer to survive. loc: 2980
The
successful adaptations, like the failures, are the result of a fantastic number
of combinations that are constantly being generated (and reproduced or
discarded) over an unlimited expanse of time. loc: 2983
The
universe was not created for or about humans. loc: 2988
over the infinite expanses
of time, some species grow, others disappear, generated and destroyed in the
ceaseless process of change. There were other forms of life before us, which no
longer exist; there will be other forms of life after us, when our kind has
vanished. loc: 2996
Humans
are not unique. loc: 2999
We
are made of the same stuff that everything else is made of.
loc:
3001
We
have only to look attentively at the world around us to grasp that many of the
most intense and poignant experiences of our lives are not exclusive to our species.
loc:
3005
Human
society began not in a Golden Age of tranquility and plenty, but in a primitive
battle for survival. loc: 3007
the ability to form bonds
and to live in communities governed by settled customs developed slowly.
loc:
3012
humans, who like other
animals used inarticulate cries and gestures in various situations, slowly
arrived at shared sounds to designate the same things.
loc:
3016
The
soul dies. loc: 3025
The
human soul is made of the same material as the human body.
loc:
3026
There
is no afterlife. loc: 3032
once you grasp that your
soul dies along with your body, you also grasp that there can be no posthumous
punishments or rewards. Life on this earth is all that human beings have.
loc:
3036
Death
is nothing to us. loc: 3038
When
you are dead—when the particles that
have been linked together, to create and sustain you, have come apart—there will be neither
pleasure nor pain, longing nor fear. loc: 3039
ÒYou will not care,
because you will not exist.Ó
loc:
3041
All
organized religions are superstitious delusions. loc: 3043
The
delusions are based on deeply rooted longings, fears, and ignorance. Humans
project images of the power and beauty and perfect security that they would
like to possess. Fashioning their gods accordingly, they become enslaved to
their own dreams. loc: 3043
There
are entirely natural explanations for such phenomena as lightning and
earthquakes—Lucretius spells them
out—but terrified humans
instinctively respond with religious fear and start praying.
loc:
3049
Religions
are invariably cruel. loc: 3052
Religions
always promise hope and love, but their deep, underlying structure is cruelty.
loc:
3052
The
quintessential emblem of religion—and
the clearest manifestation of the perversity that lies at its core—is the sacrifice of a
child by a parent. loc: 3053
he would not have been
surprised by it or by the endlessly reiterated, prominently displayed images of
the bloody, murdered son. loc: 3059
There
are no angels, demons, or ghosts. loc: 3061
Immaterial
spirits of any kind do not exist. loc: 3061
The
highest goal of human life is the enhancement of pleasure and the reduction of
pain. loc: 3064
There
is no ethical purpose higher than facilitating this pursuit for oneself and oneÕs fellow creatures.
loc:
3065
ManÕs natural needs are simple. A failure to
recognize the boundaries of these needs leads human beings to a vain and
fruitless struggle for more and more. loc: 3068 ¥ Delete this highlight
Note: This
is why I started with Thoreau. I thought I could br Mr. Natural and gdt by on a
lot less, and, hance, accomplish a lot more. What koolaid was I drinking? And
yet, would I have had it any different?
But,
as it is difficult to resist fears of the gods and the afterlife, so too it is
difficult to resist the compulsive sense that security, for oneself and oneÕs community, can somehow be enhanced through
exploits of passionate acquisitiveness and conquest. These exploits, however,
only decrease the possibility of happiness loc: 3072
nothing is more blissful than
to occupy the heights effectively fortified by the teaching of the wise,
tranquil sanctuaries from which you can look down upon others and see them
wandering everywhere in their random search for the way of life, competing for
intellectual eminence, disputing about rank, and striving night and day with
prodigious effort to scale the summit of wealth and to secure power.
loc:
3080
The
greatest obstacle to pleasure is not pain; it is delusion.
loc:
3084
The
principal enemies of human happiness are inordinate desire—the fantasy of
attaining something that exceeds what the finite mortal world allows—and gnawing fear.
loc:
3084
why are humans so unhappy?
The answer, Lucretius thought, had to do with the power of the imagination.
Though they are finite and mortal, humans are gripped by illusions of the
infinite—infinite pleasure and
infinite pain. loc: 3090
The
fantasy of infinite pain helps to account for their proneness to religion: in
the misguided belief that their souls are immortal and hence potentially
subject to an eternity of suffering, humans imagine that they can somehow
negotiate with the gods for a better outcome, an eternity of pleasure in
paradise. loc: 3092
The
fantasy of infinite pleasure helps to account for their proneness to romantic
love: in the misguided belief that their happiness depends upon the absolute
possession of some single object of limitless desire, humans are seized by a
feverish, unappeasable hunger and thirst that can only bring anguish instead of
happiness. loc: 3094
note of the element of
unsated appetite that haunts even the fulfillment of desire.
loc:
3107
Understanding
the nature of things generates deep wonder. loc: 3129
grasping the way things really
are is the crucial step toward the possibility of happiness. Human
insignificance—the fact that it is not
all about us and our fate—is, Lucretius insisted,
the good news. loc: 3132
Unappeasable
desire and the fear of death are the principal obstacles to human happiness,
but the obstacles can be surmounted through the exercise of reason.
loc:
3136
All
speculation—all science, all
morality, all attempts to fashion a life worth living—must start and end with
a comprehension of the invisible seeds of things: atoms and the void and
nothing else. loc: 3139
in LucretiusÕ account the process is something like the
reverse: it is knowing the way things are that awakens the deepest wonder.
loc:
3144
while we are alive, we
should be filled with the deepest pleasure, for we are a small part of a vast
process of world-making that Lucretius celebrated as essentially erotic.
loc:
3161
CHAPTER
NINE THE RETURN loc: 3211
Released
from the confinement of NiccoliÕs rooms, On the Nature
of Things slowly made its way once again into the hands of readers, about a
thousand years after it had dropped out of sight. loc: 3315
The
remuneration was generous and the prestige high. Florence conferred upon its
humanist chancellors all the marks of respect and honor that the buoyant,
self-loving city felt were its own due. loc: 3416
Poggio
served as chancellor of Florence for five years. The chancellorship evidently
did not function entirely smoothly under his leadership;
loc: 3420
I
have found no one who seemed in any way happy to himself, who did not bemoan
that life as harmful, disquieting, anxious, oppressed with many cares.Ó loc: 3427
CHAPTER
TEN SWERVES loc: 3454
By
the 1490s, then, some sixty or seventy years after LucretiusÕ poem was returned to circulation, atomism
was sufficiently present in Florence to make it worth ridiculing.
loc:
3474
Still,
SavonarolaÕs warnings corresponded
to authentic concerns: the set of convictions articulated with such poetic power
in LucretiusÕ poem was virtually a
textbook—or, better still, an
inquisitorÕs—definition of atheism.
loc:
3490
In
his twenties, Ficino was deeply shaken by On the Nature of Things and undertook
to write a learned commentary on the poet he called Òour brilliant Lucretius.Ó But, coming to his senses—that is, returning to
his faith—Ficino burned this
commentary. He attacked those he called the ÒLucretianiÓ and spent much of his life adapting Plato to
construct an ingenious philosophical defense of Christianity.
loc:
3493
ÒTherefore, for as long
as possible (would that it were longer!) let us not
allow those bodily pleasures to slip away that cannot be doubted and cannot be
recovered in another life.Ó
loc:
3530
A
very small number of people may have fully embraced radical Epicureanism, loc:
3550
Thomas
More took the engagement with Epicureanism much further in his most famous
work, Utopia (1516). loc: 3595
His
speculative daring and his relentless intelligence enabled him to grasp the force
of what had surged back from the ancient world loc: 3598
he brilliantly explored
the hidden tensions in the identity to which he himself subscribed: ÒChristian humanist.Ó loc: 3600
imaginary island, Utopia (the
name means ÒNo-placeÓ in Greek), whose inhabitants are convinced
that Òeither the whole or the
most part of human happinessÓ lies in the pursuit of
pleasure. This central Epicurean tenet, the work makes clear, lies at the heart
of the opposition between the good society of the Utopians and the corrupt,
vicious society of his own England. loc: 3606
a radical idea that, if
taken seriously, would change everything. loc: 3610
their power derived as much
from their distance as their eloquent lucidity. loc: 3628
He
insisted that these texts be understood not as isolated philosophical ideas but
as expressions of a whole way of life lived in particular physical, historical,
cultural, and social circumstances. loc: 3630
He
took seriously the claim, so ardently made in On the Nature of Things, that
EpicurusÕ philosophy would
liberate all of mankind from its abject misery. loc: 3634
Utopia
is a visionary, detailed blueprint for this application, from public housing to
universal health care, from child care centers to
religious toleration to the six-hour work day. The point of MoreÕs celebrated fable is to imagine those
conditions that would make it possible for an entire society to make the
pursuit of happiness its collective goal. loc: 3637
The
denial of Providence and the denial of the afterlife were the twin pillars of
LucretiusÕ whole poem. Thomas
More then at once imaginatively embraced Epicureanism—the most sustained and
intelligent embrace since Poggio recovered De rerum natura a century earlier—and carefully cut its
heart out. All citizens of his Utopia are encouraged to pursue pleasure; but
those who think that the soul dies with the body or who believe that chance
rules the universe, More writes, are arrested and
enslaved. loc: 3645
People
would have to believe, at a bare minimum, that there was an overarching
providential design—not only in the state
but in the very structure of the universe itself—and
they would have to believe as well that the norms by which they are meant to
regulate their pursuit of pleasure and hence discipline their behavior were
reinforced by this providential design. loc: 3650
fear might be eliminated in
the philosopherÕs garden, among a tiny,
enlightened elite, but it cannot be eliminated from an entire society, if that
society is to be imagined as inhabited by the range of people who actually
exist in the world as it has always been known. loc: 3663
Machiavelli,
who was considerably less pious than the saintly More,
came to the same conclusion. Laws and customs, the author of The Prince
thought, were worthless without fear. loc: 3666
Without
these imaginary supplements the social order would inevitably collapse, with
each individual attempting to fulfill his wishes:
loc: 3671
there are many indications
that De rerum natura had unsettled and transformed BrunoÕs whole world. loc: 3685
then Mercury admits that
the whole thing does not work that way: there is no artificer god standing
outside the universe, barking commands, meting out rewards and punishments,
determining everything. The whole idea is absurd. There is an order in the
universe, but it is one built into the nature of things, into the matter that
composes everything, from stars to men to bedbugs. Nature is not an abstract
capacity, but a generative mother, bringing forth everything that exists.
loc:
3732
That
universe was not for Bruno a place of melancholy disenchantment. On the
contrary, he found it thrilling to realize that the world has no limits in
either space or time, that the grandest things are made of the smallest, that
atoms, the building blocks of all that exists, link the one and the infinite.
loc:
3736
Bruno
might have been the first person in more than a millennium to grasp the full
force, at once philosophical and erotic, of LucretiusÕ hymn to Venus. The universe, in its
ceaseless process of generation and destruction and regeneration, is inherently
sexual. loc: 3747
The
universe is not all about us, about our behavior and our destiny; we are only a
tiny piece of something inconceivably larger. And that should not make us
shrink in fear. Rather, we should embrace the world in wonder and gratitude and
awe. loc: 3761
CHAPTER
ELEVEN AFTERLIVES loc: 3802
there is a profound affinity
between Lucretius and Montaigne, loc: 3836
Montaigne
shared LucretiusÕ contempt for a
morality enforced by nightmares of the afterlife; he clung to the importance of
his own senses and the evidence of the material world; he intensely disliked
ascetic self-punishment and violence against the flesh; he treasured inward
freedom and content. loc: 3837
In
grappling with the fear of death, he was influenced by Stoicism as well as
Lucretian materialism, but it is the latter that proves the dominant guide,
leading him toward a celebration of bodily pleasure.
loc:
3839
ÒThe world is but a
perennial movement,Ó Montaigne writes in ÒOf Repentance,Ó
All things in it are in constant motion—the
earth, the rocks of the Caucasus, the pyramids of
Egypt—both with the common
motion and with their own. Stability itself is nothing but a more languid
motion. loc: 3848
Better
than anyone—including Lucretius
himself—Montaigne articulates
what it feels like from the inside to think, write, live
in an Epicurean universe. loc: 3860
Montaigne
fully shared LucretiusÕ Epicurean skepticism
about the restless striving for fame, power, and riches, and he cherished his
own withdrawal from the world into the privacy of his book-lined study in the
tower of his ch‰teau. But the
withdrawal seems only to have intensified his awareness of the perpetual
motion, the instability of forms, the plurality of worlds, the
random swerves to which he himself was as fully prone as everyone else.
loc:
3863
Montaigne
seems to have felt this intimate link with Lucretius, a link that helped him
come to terms with the prospect of his own extinction.
loc:
3903
ÒGo out of this world,Ó Montaigne imagined Nature to say, as you
entered it. The same passage that you made from death to life, without feeling
or fright, make it again from life to death. Your death is part of the order of
the universe; it is part of the life of the world.
loc:
3911
Lucretius
was for Montaigne the surest guide to understanding the nature of things and to
fashioning the self to live life with pleasure and to meet death with dignity.
loc:
3918
Above
all, he noted again and again, the soul is corporeal: ÒThe soul is bodilyÓ loc:
3930
Why
should atoms in the High Renaissance have come to seem, in some quarters at
least, so threatening? loc: 3966
The
short answer is that the recovery and recirculation of LucretiusÕ On the Nature of Things had succeeded in
linking the very idea of atoms, as the ultimate substrate of all that exists,
with a host of other, dangerous claims. loc: 3968
Council
of Trent: They had confirmed as
Church dogma the subtle arguments with which Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth
century, drawing on Aristotle, had attempted to reconcile transubstantiation—the metamorphosis of
the consecrated water and wine into the body and blood of Jesus Christ—with the laws of
physics. AristotleÕs distinction between
the ÒaccidentsÓ and the ÒsubstanceÓ of matter made it possible to explain how
something that looked and smelled and tasted exactly like a piece of bread
could actually (and not merely symbolically) be ChristÕs flesh. What the human senses experienced
was merely the accidents of bread; the substance of the consecrated wafer was
God. loc: 3982
Atomism
absolutely denied the key distinction between substance and accidents, and
therefore threatened the whole magnificent intellectual edifice resting on
Aristotelian foundations. loc: 3990
ÒThe only thing
necessary to the Philosopher, in order to know the truth, which is one and
simple, is to oppose whatever is contrary to Faith and to accept that which is
contained in Faith.Ó
loc:
3998
Like
Lucretius, Galileo defended the oneness of the celestial and terrestrial world:
there was no essential difference, he claimed, between the nature of the sun
and the planets and the nature of the earth and its inhabitants.
loc:
4005
On
August 1, 1632, the Society of Jesus strictly prohibited and condemned the
doctrine of atoms. loc: 4015
the inquisitor found
evidence of atomism. Atomism, explained the inquisitor, is incompatible with
the second canon of the thirteenth session of the Council of Trent, the session
that spelled out the dogma of the Eucharist. loc: 4026
If
you accept Signor Galileo GalileiÕs
theory, the document observes, then when you find in
the Most Holy Sacrament Òthe objects of touch, sight,
taste, etc.,Ó characteristic of
bread and wine, you will also have to say, according to the same theory, that
these characteristics are produced on our senses by Òvery tiny particles.Ó And from this you will have to conclude Òthat in the Sacrament there
must be substantial parts of bread and wine,Ó
a conclusion that is flat-out heresy. loc: 4027
Note: I'm
not quite getting this. How is atomism a contradiction of the eucharist?
But
by the seventeenth century the pressure of the new science, growing
intellectual speculation, and the lure of the great poem itself became too
great to contain. loc: 4047
Edmund
Spenser had written an ecstatic and strikingly Lucretian hymn to Venus; Francis
Bacon had ventured that ÒIn nature nothing
really exists besides individual bodiesÓ;
Thomas Hobbes had reflected wryly on the relationship between fear and
religious delusions. loc: 4110
In
England, as elsewhere in Europe, it had proved possible, though quite
difficult, to retain a belief in God as the creator of atoms in the first
place. Thus Isaac Newton, in what has been called one of the most influential
pieces of writing in the history of science, declared himself an atomist,
making what appears to be a direct allusion to the title of LucretiusÕ poem. loc: 4113
LucretiusÕ materialism helped to generate and support
the skepticism of the likes of Dryden and Voltaire and the programmatic,
devastating disbelief expressed in Diderot, Hume, and many other Enlightenment
figures. loc: 4125
he had given a momentous
political document, at the founding of a new republic, a distinctly Lucretian
turn. The turn was toward a government whose end was not only to secure the
lives and the liberties of its citizens but also to serve Òthe pursuit of Happiness.Ó The atoms of Lucretius had left their traces
on the Declaration of Independence. loc: 4143
ÒI am,Ó Jefferson wrote to
a correspondent who wanted to know his philosophy of life, Òan Epicurean.Ó loc: 4154